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Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah |
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| Governor-General of Pakistan | | Born: 25 December 1876 | | Profession: Lawyer,Governor-General of Pakistan | | Affiliation(s): All India Muslim League (1913–1947) | | Citizenship: Pakistani | | Views: 270,005 | Comments: 45 | Votes: 3,041 |
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Profile |
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Pakistan,
one of the largest Muslim states in the world, is a living and
exemplary monument of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. With his
untiring efforts, indomitable will, and dauntless courage, he united
the Indian Muslims under the banner of the Muslim League and carved out
a homeland for them, despite stiff opposition from the Hindu Congress
and the British Government.
Father of the Nation Quaid-i-Azam
Mohammad Ali Jinnah's achievement as the founder of Pakistan, dominates
everything else he did in his long and crowded public life spanning
some 42 years. Yet, by any standard, his was an eventful life, his
personality multidimensional and his achievements in other fields were
many, if not equally great. Indeed, several were the roles he had
played with distinction: at one time or another, he was one of the
greatest legal luminaries India had produced during the first half of
the century, an `ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity, a great
constitutionalist, a distinguished parliamentarian, a top-notch
politician, an indefatigable freedom-fighter, a dynamic Muslim leader,
a political strategist and, above all one of the great nation-builders
of modern times.
What, however, makes him so remarkable is the
fact that while similar other leaders assumed the leadership of
traditionally well-defined nations and espoused their cause, or led
them to freedom, he created a nation out of an inchoate and
down-trodeen minority and established a cultural and national home for
it. And all that within a decase. For over three decades before the
successful culmination in 1947, of the Muslim struggle for
freedom in the South-Asian subcontinent, Jinnah had provided political
leadership to the Indian Muslims: initially as one of the leaders, but
later, since 1947, as the only prominent leader- the Quaid-i-Azam.
For
over thirty years, he had guided their affairs; he had given
expression, coherence and direction to their ligitimate aspirations and
cherished dreams; he had formulated these into concerete demands; and,
above all, he had striven all the while to get them conceded by both
the ruling British and the numerous Hindus the dominant segment of
India's population. And for over thirty years he had fought,
relentlessly and inexorably, for the inherent rights of the Muslims for
an honourable existence in the subcontinent. Indeed, his life story
constitutes, as it were, the story of the rebirth of the Muslims of the
subcontinent and their spectacular rise to nationhood, phoenixlike.
Early life
Jinnah
was born Mahomedali Jinnahbhai in, some believe, Wazir Mansion, Karachi
District, of lower Sindh. However, this is disputed as old textbooks
mention Jhirk as his place of birth. Sindh had earlier been conquered
by the British and was subsequently grouped with other conquered
territories for administrative reasons to form the Bombay Presidency of
British India. Although his earliest school records state that he was
born on October 20, 1875, Sarojini Naidu, the author of Jinnah’s first biography, gives the date as ”December 25, 1876”. The latter date is now officially accepted as his birthday.
Jinnah was the eldest of seven children born to Mithibai and Jinnahbhai Poonja. His father, Jinnahbhai (1857–1901),
was a prosperous Gujarati merchant who had moved to Sindh from
Kathiawar, Gujarat before Jinnah’s birth. His grandfather was Poonja
Gokuldas Meghji, a Hindu Bhatia from Paneli village in Gondal state in
Kathiawar. Jinnah’s ancestors were Hindu Rajput that converted to
Islam. Jinnah’s family belonged to the Ismaili Khoja branch of Shi’a
Islam, though Jinnah later converted to Twelver Shi’a Islam.
The
first born Jinnah was soon joined by six siblings, brothers Ahmad Ali,
Bunde Ali, and Rahmat Ali, and sisters Maryam, Fatima and Shireen.
Their mother tongue was Gujarati, however, in time they also came to
speak Kutchi, Sindhi and English. The proper Muslim names of Mr. Jinnah
and his siblings, unlike those of his father and grandfather, are the
consequence of the family’s immigration to the Muslim state of Sindh.
Jinnah
was a restless student, he studied at several schools: at the
Sindh-Madrasa-tul-Islam in Karachi; briefly at the Gokal Das Tej
Primary School in Bombay; and finally at the Christian Missionary
Society High School in Karachi, where, at age sixteen, he passed the
matriculation examination of the University of Bombay.
In 1892,
Jinnah was offered an apprenticeship at the London office of Graham’s
Shipping and Trading Company, a business that had extensive dealings
with Jinnahbhai Poonja’s firm in Karachi. However, before he left for
England, at his mother’s urging he married his distant cousin, Emibai
Jinnah, who was two years his junior. The marriage was not to last long
as Emibai died a few months later. During his sojourn in England, his
mother too would pass away. In London, Jinnah soon left the
apprenticeship to study law instead, by joining Lincoln’s Inn. The
welcome board of the Lincoln’s Inn had the names of the world’s all
time top ten magistrates. This list was led by the name of Muhammad,
which was the sole reason of Jinnah’s joining of Lincoln’s Inn. In
three years, at age 19, he became the youngest South Asian to be called
to the bar in England.
During his student years in England,
Jinnah came under the spell of nineteenth-century British liberalism,
much like many other future Indian independence leaders. This education
included exposure to the idea of the democratic nation and progressive
politics. He admired William Gladstone and John Morley, British Liberal
statesmen. An admirer of the Indian political leaders Dadabhai Naoroji
and Sir Pherozeshah Mehta, he worked, with other Indian students, on
the former’s successful campaign for to become the first Indian to hold
a seat in the British Parliament. By now, Jinnah had developed largely
constitutionalist views on Indian self-government, and he condemned
both the arrogance of British officials in India and the discrimination
practised by them against Indians. This idea of a nation legitimized by
democratic principles and cultural commonalities, however, was
antithetical to the genuine diversity that had generally characterized
the subcontinent. As an important Indian intellectual and political
authority, Jinnah would find his commitment to the Western ideal of the
nation-state, developed during his English education, and the obstacle
that was the reality of heterogeneous Indian society to be difficult to
reconcile during his later political career.
The Western world
not only inspired Jinnah in his political life. England had greatly
influenced his personal preferences, particularly when it came to
dress. Jinnah donned Western style clothing and he pursued the fashion
with fervor. It is said he owned over 200 hand-tailored suits which he
wore with heavily starched shirts with detachable collars. It is also
alleged that he never wore the same silk tie twice.
During the
final period of his stay in England, Jinnah came under considerable
pressure to return home when his father’s business was ruined. Settling
in Bombay, he became a successful lawyer—gaining particular fame for
his skilled handling of the “Caucus Case”. Jinnah built a house
in Malabar Hill, later known as Jinnah House. His reputation as a
skilled lawyer prompted Indian leader Bal Gangadhar Tilak to hire him
as defence counsel for his sedition trial in 1905. Jinnah
argued that it was not sedition for an Indian to demand freedom and
self-government in his own country, but Tilak received a rigorous term
of imprisonment test.
When he returned to India his faith in
liberalism and evolutionary politics was confirmed through his close
association with three Indian National Congress stalwarts G. K Gokhale,
Pherozeshah Mehta and Surendranath Banerjea. These people had an
important influence in his early life in England and they would
influence his later involvement in Indian politics.
Political Career
Three years later, in January 1910,
Jinnah was elected to the newly-constituted Imperial Legislative
Council. All through his parliamentary career, which spanned some four
decades, he was probably the most powerful voice in the cause of Indian
freedom and Indian rights. Jinnah, who was also the first Indian to
pilot a private member's Bill through the Council, soon became a leader
of a group inside the legislature.
Mr. Montagu (1879-1924),
Secretary of State for India, at the close of the First World War,
considered Jinnah "perfect mannered, impressive-looking, armed to the
teeth with dialecties..."Jinnah, he felt, "is a very clever
man, and it is, of course, an outrage that such a man should have no
chance of running the affairs of his own country."
For about three decades since his entry into politics in 1906,
Jinnah passionately believed in and assiduously worked for Hindu-Muslim
unity. Gokhale, the foremost Hindu leader before Gandhi, had once said
of him, "He has the true stuff in him and that freedom from all
sectarian prejudice which will make him the best ambassador of
Hindu-Muslim Unity: And, to be sure, he did become the architect of
Hindu-Muslim Unity: he was responsible for the Congress-League Pact of 1916,
known popularly as Lucknow Pact- the only pact ever signed between the
two political organisations, the Congress and the All-India Muslim
League, representing, as they did, the two major communities in the
subcontinent."
The Congress-League scheme embodied in this
pact was to become the basis for the Montagu-Chemlsford Reforms, also
known as the Act of 1919. In retrospect, the Lucknow Pact
represented a milestone in the evolution of Indian politics. For one
thing, it conceded Muslims the right to separate electorate,
reservation of seats in the legislatures and weightage in
representation both at the Centre and the minority provinces. Thus,
their retention was ensured in the next phase of reforms.
For
another, it represented a tacit recognition of the All-India Muslim
League as the representative organisation of the Muslims, thus
strengthening the trend towards Muslim individuality in Indian
politics. And to Jinnah goes the credit for all this. Thus, by 1917,
Jinnah came to be recognised among both Hindus and Muslims as one of
India's most outstanding political leaders. Not only was he prominent
in the Congress and the Imperial Legislative Council, he was also the
President of the All-India Muslim and that of lthe Bombay Branch of the
Home Rule League. More important, because of his key-role in the
Congress-League entente at Lucknow, he was hailed as the ambassador, as
well as the embodiment, of Hindu-Muslim unity.
Constitutional Struggle
In
subsequent years, however, he felt dismayed at the injection of
violence into politics. Since Jinnah stood for "ordered progress",
moderation, gradualism and constitutionalism, he felt that political
terrorism was not the pathway to national liberation but, the dark
alley to disaster and destruction. Hence, the constitutionalist Jinnah
could not possibly, countenance Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi's novel
methods of Satyagrah (civil disobedience) and the triple boycott of
government-aided schools and colleges, courts and councils and British
textiles. Earlier, in October 1920, when Gandhi, having been
elected President of the Home Rule League, sought to change its
constitution as well as its nomenclature, Jinnah had resigned from the
Home Rule League, saying: "Your extreme programme has for the moment
struck the imagination mostly of the inexperienced youth and the
ignorant and the illiterate. All this means disorganisation and choas".
Jinnah did not believe that ends justified the means.
Quaid-e-Azam
Constitutional StruggleIn the ever-growing frustration among the masses
caused by colonial rule, there was ample cause for extremism. But,
Gandhi's doctrine of non-cooperation, Jinnah felt, even as Rabindranath
Tagore (1861-1941) did also feel, was at best one of negation
and despair: it might lead to the building up of resentment, but
nothing constructive. Hence, he opposed tooth and nail the tactics
adopted by Gandhi to exploit the Khilafat and wrongful tactics in the
Punjab in the early twenties. On the eve of its adoption of the
Gandhian programme, Jinnah warned the Nagpur Congress Session (1920): "you
are making a declaration (of Swaraj within a year) and committing the
Indian National Congress to a programme, which you will not be able to
carry out". He felt that there was no short-cut to independence and
that Gandhi's extra-constitutional methods could only lead to political
terrorism, lawlessness and chaos, without bringing India nearer to the
threshold of freedom.
The future course of events was not only
to confirm Jinnah's worst fears, but also to prove him right. Although
Jinnah left the Congress soon thereafter, he continued his efforts
towards bringing about a Hindu-Muslim entente, which he rightly
considered "the most vital condition of Swaraj".
However,
because of the deep distrust between the two communities as evidenced
by the country-wide communal riots, and because the Hindus failed to
meet the genuine demands of the Muslims, his efforts came to naught.
One such effort was the formulation of the Delhi Muslim Proposals in
March, 1927. In order to bridge Hindu-Muslim differences on the
constitutional plan, these proposals even waived the Muslim right to
separate electorate, the most basic Muslim demand since 1906,
which though recognised by the congress in the Lucknow Pact, had again
become a source of friction between the two communities. surprisingly
though, the Nehru Report (1928), which represented the
Congress-sponsored proposals for the future constitution of India,
negated the minimum Muslim demands embodied in the Delhi Muslim
Proposals.
In vain did Jinnah argue at the National convention (1928):
"What we want is that Hindus and Mussalmans should march together until
our object is achieved...These two communities have got to be
reconciled and united and made to feel that their interests are common".
The Convention's blank refusal to accept Muslim demands represented the
most devastating setback to Jinnah's life-long efforts to bring about
Hindu-Muslim unity, it meant "the last straw" for the Muslims, and "the parting of the ways" for him, as he confessed to a Parsee friend at that time.
Jinnah's
disillusionment at the course of politics in the subcontinent prompted
him to migrate and settle down in London in the early thirties. He was,
however, to return to India in 1934, at the pleadings of his
co-religionists, and assume their leadership. But, the Muslims
presented a sad spectacle at that time. They were a mass of disgruntled
and demoralised men and women, politically disorganised and destitute
of a clear-cut political programme.
Leader of the Muslim League
Prominent
Muslim leaders like the The Aga Khan, Choudhary Rahmat Ali and Sir
Muhammad Iqbal made efforts to convince Jinnah to return from London
(Where he had moved to in 1931 and planned on permanently
relocating in order to practice in the Privy Council Bar.) to India and
take charge of a now-reunited Muslim League. In 1934 Jinnah
returned and began to re-organise the party, being closely assisted by
Liaquat Ali Khan, who would act as his right-hand man. In the 1937 elections
to the Central Legislative Assembly, the League emerged as a competent
party, capturing a significant number of seats under the Muslim
electorate, but lost in the Muslim-majority Punjab, Sindh and the
Northwest Frontier Province. Jinnah offered an alliance with the
Congress – both bodies would face the British together, but the
Congress had to share power, accept separate electorates and the League
as the representative of India’s Muslims. The latter two terms were
unacceptable to the Congress, which had its own national Muslim leaders
and membership and adhered to secularism. Even as Jinnah held talks
with Congress president Rajendra Prasad, Congress leaders suspected
that Jinnah would use his position as a lever for exaggerated demands
and obstruct government, and demanded that the League merge with the
Congress. The talks failed, and while Jinnah declared the resignation
of all Congressmen from provincial and central offices in 1938 as a “Day of Deliverance” from Hindu domination, some historians assert that he remained hopeful for an agreement.
In a speech to the League in 1930, Sir Muhammad Iqbal mooted an independent state for Muslims in “northwest India.” Choudhary Rahmat Ali published a pamphlet in 1933
advocating a state called “Pakistan”. Following the failure to work
with the Congress, Jinnah, who had embraced separate electorates and
the exclusive right of the League to represent Muslims, was converted
to the idea that Muslims needed a separate state to protect their
rights. Jinnah came to believe that Muslims and Hindus were distinct
nations, with unbridgeable differences—a view later known as the Two
Nation Theory. Jinnah declared that a united India would lead to the
marginalization of Muslims, and eventually civil war between Hindus and
Muslims. This change of view may have occurred through his
correspondence with Iqbal, who was close to Jinnah. In the session in
Lahore in 1940, the Pakistan resolution was adopted as the main
goal of the party. The resolution was rejected outright by the
Congress, and criticised by many Muslim leaders like Maulana Abul Kalam
Azad, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Syed Ab’ul Ala Maududi and the
Jamaat-e-Islami. On July 26, 1943, Jinnah was stabbed and wounded by a member of the extremist Khaksars in an attempted assassination.
Muhammad Ali Jinnah founded Dawn in 1941,
a major newspaper that helped him propagate the League’s point of
views. During the mission of British minister Stafford Cripps, Jinnah
demanded parity between the number of Congress and League ministers,
the League’s exclusive right to appoint Muslims and a right for
Muslim-majority provinces to secede, leading to the breakdown of talks.
Jinnah supported the British effort in World War II, and opposed the
Quit India movement. During this period, the League formed provincial
governments and entered the central government. The League’s influence
increased in the Punjab after the death of Unionist leader Sikander
Hyat Khan in 1942. Gandhi held talks fourteen times with Jinnah in Bombay in 1944, about a united front—while talks failed, Gandhi’s overtures to Jinnah increased the latter’s standing with Muslims
The New Awakening
As
a result of Jinnah's ceaseless efforts, the Muslims awakened from what
Professor Baker calls (their) "unreflective silence" (in which they had
so complacently basked for long decades), and to "the spiritual essence
of nationality" that had existed among them for a pretty long time.
Roused by the impact of successive Congress hammerings, the Muslims, as
Ambedkar (principal author of independent India's Constitution) says,
"searched their social consciousness in a desperate attempt to find
coherent and meaningful articulation to their cherished yearnings. To
their great relief, they discovered that their sentiments of
nationality had flamed into nationalism". In addition, not only had
they developed" the will to live as a "nation", had also endowed them
with a territory which they could occupy and make a State as well as a
cultural home for the newly discovered nation.
These two
pre-requisites, as laid down by Renan, provided the Muslims with the
intellectual justification for claiming a distinct nationalism (apart
from Indian or Hindu nationalism) for themselves. So that when, after
their long pause, the Muslims gave expression to their innermost
yearnings, these turned out to be in favor of a separate Muslim
nationhood and of a separate Muslim state.
Demand for Pakistan - "We are a nation"
"We are a nation", they claimed in the ever eloquent words of the Quaid-i-Azam.
"We
are a nation with our own distinctive culture and civilization,
language and literature, art and architecture, names and nomenclature,
sense of values and proportion, legal laws and moral code, customs and
calendar, history and tradition, aptitudes and ambitions; in short, we
have our own distinctive outlook on life and of life. By all canons of
international law, we are a nation".
The formulation of the Muslim demand for Pakistan in 1940
had a tremendous impact on the nature and course of Indian politics. On
the one hand, it shattered for ever the Hindu dreams of a
pseudo-Indian, in fact, Hindu empire on British exit from India: on the
other, it heralded an era of Islamic renaissance and creativity in
which the Indian Muslims were to be active participants. The Hindu
reaction was quick, bitter, malicious.
Equally hostile were the
British to the Muslim demand, their hostility having stemmed from their
belief that the unity of India was their main achievement and their
foremost contribution. The irony was that both the Hindus and the
British had not anticipated the astonishingly tremendous response that
the Pakistan demand had elicited from the Muslim masses. Above all,
they failed to realize how a hundred million people had suddenly become
supremely conscious of their distinct nationhood and their high destiny.
In
channelling the course of Muslim politics towards Pakistan, no less
than in directing it towards its consummation in the establishment of
Pakistan in 1947, non played a more decisive role than did
Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. It was his powerful advocacy of the
case of Pakistan and his remarkable strategy in the delicate
negotiations, that followed the formulation of the Pakistan demand,
particularly in the post-war period, that made Pakistan inevitable.
Founding Pakistan
In the 1946
elections for the Constituent Assembly of India, the Congress won most
of the elected seats, while the League won a large majority of Muslim
electorate seats. The 1946 British Cabinet Mission to India
released a plan on May 16, calling for a united Indian state comprising
considerably autonomous provinces, and called for “groups” of
provinces formed on the basis of religion. A second plan released on
June 16, called for the separation of South Asia along religious lines,
with princely states to choose between accession to the dominion of
their choice or independence. The Congress, fearing India’s
fragmentation, criticised the May 16 proposal and rejected the
June 16 plan. Jinnah gave the League’s assent to both plans, knowing
that power would go only to the party that had supported a plan. After
much debate and against Gandhi’s advice that both plans were divisive,
the Congress accepted the May 16 plan while condemning the
grouping principle. Jinnah decried this acceptance as “dishonesty”,
accused the British negotiators of “treachery”, and withdrew the
League’s approval of both plans. The League boycotted the assembly,
leaving the Congress in charge of the government but denying it
legitimacy in the eyes of many Muslims.
Jinnah gave a precise definition of the term ‘Pakistan’ in 1941 at Lahore in which he stated:
Some confusion prevails in the minds of some individuals in regard to the use of the work ‘Pakistan’.
This word has become synonymous with the Lahore resolution owing to the
fact that it is a convenient and compendious method of describing
[it]…. For this reason the British and Indian newspapers generally have
adopted the word ‘Pakistan’ to describe the Moslem demand as embodied
in the Lahore resolution.
Jinnah issued a call for all Muslims to launch “Direct Action” on August 16 to “achieve Pakistan”.
Strikes and protests were planned, but violence broke out all over
South Asia, especially in Calcutta and the district of Noakhali in
Bengal, and more than 7,000 people were killed in Bihar. Although
viceroy Lord Wavell asserted that there was “no satisfactory evidence to that effect”,
League politicians were blamed by the Congress and the media for
orchestrating the violence. Interim Government portfolios were
announced on October 25, 1946. Muslim Leaguers were sworn in on October 26, 1946.
The League entered the interim government, but Jinnah refrained from
accepting office for himself. This was credited as a major victory for
Jinnah, as the League entered government having rejected both plans,
and was allowed to appoint an equal number of ministers despite being
the minority party. The coalition was unable to work, resulting in a
rising feeling within the Congress that independence of Pakistan was
the only way of avoiding political chaos and possible civil war. The
Congress agreed to the division of Punjab and Bengal along religious
lines in late 1946. The new viceroy Lord Mountbatten of Burma
and Indian civil servant V. P. Menon proposed a plan that would create
a Muslim dominion in West Punjab, East Bengal, Baluchistan and Sindh.
After heated and emotional debate, the Congress approved the plan. The
North-West Frontier Province voted to join Pakistan in a referendum in July 1947. Jinnah asserted in a speech in Lahore on October 30, 1947
that the League had accepted independence of Pakistan because “the
consequences of any other alternative would have been too disastrous to
imagine.”
The independent state of Pakistan, created on August 14, 1947,
represented the outcome of a campaign on the part of the Indian Muslim
community for a Muslim homeland which had been triggered by the British
decision to consider transferring power to the people of India.
Leader of a Free Nation
In
recognition of his singular contribution, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali
Jinnah was nominated by the Muslim League as the Governor-General of
Pakistan, while the Congress appointed Mountbatten as India's first
Governor-General. Pakistan, it has been truly said, was born in virtual
chaos.
Indeed, few nations in the world have started on their
career with less resources and in more treacherous circumstances. The
new nation did not inherit a central government, a capital, an
administrative core, or an organized defense force. Its social and
administrative resources were poor; there was little equipment and
still less statistics. The Punjab holocaust had left vast areas in a
shambles with communications disrupted. This, along with the en masse
migration of the Hindu and Sikh business and managerial classes, left
the economy almost shattered.
The treasury was empty, India
having denied Pakistan the major share of its cash balances. On top of
all this, the still unorganized nation was called upon to feed some
eight million refugees who had fled the insecurities and barbarities of
the north Indian plains that long, hot summer. If all this was
symptomatic of Pakistan's administrative and economic weakness, the
Indian annexation, through military action in November 1947, of Junagadh (which had originally acceded to Pakistan) and the Kashmir war over the State's accession (October 1947-December 1948)
exposed her military weakness. In the circumstances, therefore, it was
nothing short of a miracle that Pakistan survived at all. That it
survived and forged ahead was mainly due to one man-Mohammad Ali
Jinnah. The nation desperately needed in the person of a charismatic
leader at that critical juncture in the nation's history, and he
fulfilled that need profoundly. After all, he was more than a mere
Governor-General: he was the Quaid-i-Azam who had brought the State
into being.
In the ultimate analysis, his very presence at the
helm of affairs was responsible for enabling the newly born nation to
overcome the terrible crisis on the morrow of its cataclysmic birth. He
mustered up the immense prestige and the unquestioning loyalty he
commanded among the people to energize them, to raise their morale,
land directed the profound feelings of patriotism that the freedom had
generated, along constructive channels. Though tired and in poor
health, Jinnah yet carried the heaviest part of the burden in that
first crucial year. He laid down the policies of the new state, called
attention to the immediate problems confronting the nation and told the
members of the Constituent Assembly, the civil servants and the Armed
Forces what to do and what the nation expected of them.
He saw
to it that law and order was maintained at all costs, despite the
provocation that the large-scale riots in north India had provided. He
moved from Karachi to Lahore for a while and supervised the immediate
refugee problem in the Punjab. In a time of fierce excitement, he
remained sober, cool and steady. He advised his excited audience in
Lahore to concentrate on helping the refugees, to avoid retaliation,
exercise restraint and protect the minorities. He assured the
minorities of a fair deal, assuaged their inured sentiments, and gave
them hope and comfort. He toured the various provinces, attended to
their particular problems and instilled in the people a sense of
belonging.
He reversed the British policy in the North-West
Frontier and ordered the withdrawal of the troops from the tribal
territory of Waziristan, thereby making the Pathans feel themselves an
integral part of Pakistan's body-politics. He created a new Ministry of
States and Frontier Regions, and assumed responsibility for ushering in
a new era in Balochistan. He settled the controversial question of the
states of Karachi, secured the accession of States, especially of Kalat
which seemed problematical and carried on negotiations with Lord
Mountbatten for the settlement of the Kashmir Issue.
Illness and death
Through the 1940s, Jinnah suffered from tuberculosis; only his sister and a few others close to him were aware of his condition. In 1948,
Jinnah’s health began to falter, hindered further by the heavy workload
that had fallen upon him following Pakistan’s independence from British
Rule. Attempting to recuperate, he spent many months at his official
retreat in Ziarat, but died on September 11, 1948 (just over a
year after independence) from a combination of tuberculosis and lung
cancer. His funeral was followed by the construction of a massive
mausoleum—Mazar-e-Quaid—in Karachi to honour him; official and military
ceremonies are hosted there on special occasions.
Funeral
prayers were led by Allamah Shabbir Ahmad Usmani a renowned mainstream
Muslim (Sunni) scholar and attended by masses from all over Pakistan,
although this funeral was well on record and supported by pictures as
well, yet the Shia minority sources claim in their books that “at
Jinnah’s request. Jinnah did have a private Namaz-e-Janaza at Kharadar
which was attended by close relatives and people from the Shia
community.
Dina Wadia remained in India after independence,
before ultimately settling in New York City. Jinnah’s grandson, Nusli
Wadia, is a prominent industrialist residing in Mumbai. In the 1963–1964 elections, Jinnah’s sister Fatima Jinnah, known as Madar-e-Millat (”Mother of the Nation”),
became the presidential candidate of a coalition of political parties
that opposed the rule of President Ayub Khan, but lost the election.
The
Jinnah House in Malabar Hill, Bombay, is in the possession of the
Government of India but the issue of its ownership has been disputed by
the Government of Pakistan. Jinnah had personally requested Indian
Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to preserve the house and that one day
he could return to Mumbai. There are proposals for the house be offered
to the Government of Pakistan to establish a consulate in the city, as
a goodwill gesture, but Dina Wadia has also laid claim to the property.
The Quaid's Last Message
It
was, therefore, with a sense of supreme satisfaction at the fulfillment
of his mission that Jinnah told the nation in his last message on 14 August, 1948:
"The foundations of your State have been laid and it is now for you to build and build as quickly and as well as you can".
In accomplishing the task he had taken upon himself on the morrow of
Pakistan's birth, Jinnah had worked himself to death, but he had, to
quote richard Symons, "contributed more than any other man to Pakistan's survivial".
He died on 11 September, 1948.
How true was Lord Pethick Lawrence, the former Secretary of State for
India, when he said, "Gandhi died by the hands of an assassin; Jinnah
died by his devotion to Pakistan".
A man such as Jinnah, who had
fought for the inherent rights of his people all through his life and
who had taken up the somewhat unconventional and the largely
misinterpreted cause of Pakistan, was bound to generate violent
opposition and excite implacable hostility and was likely to be largely
misunderstood. But what is most remarkable about Jinnah is that he was
the recipient of some of the greatest tributes paid to any one in
modern times, some of them even from those who held a diametrically
opposed viewpoint.
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| Please do not use indecent language while giving your valuable comments. |
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Aey Quaid e Azam tera ehsan rahey ga is ummat per qiamat tak:)
Love for Jinnah
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I PRAY THIS COUNTRY STANDS TILL THE JUDGEMENT DAY
SO WE CAN SAY THAT WE HAVE ATLEAST SAVED YOUR GIFT
WHICH YOU HAVE GIVEN TO US |
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he was the real man
man of his words
uncorruptable
his words are the unbreakable rocks
i have not enough words to explain his dignity his work for this country
what i can say is that we should have to make our country prosper this is the only way to pay some tribute to his greatness {A REAL SUPER HERO} |
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If Quaid-e-azam was alive so pakistan was in 1 position |
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sab mil kay quid-e-azam muhammad ali jinnnah kay liy soray fatya per do plz
I think he would be very disappointed if he saw the state of Pakistan now.
the one and only greatest leader of india ... the great Muhammad Ali JINnah .... |
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iam thankful to honour of this website that .He/she had gave the knowledge about the life of quaid-e-azam
In last i would like to say
(**pakistan Zindabad**) |
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Please put the bani -e-pakistan profile on the top.
Its a humble request.The other all are heros, but he is the great great leader and founder of pakista, for God sake. |
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Please put the bani -e-pakistan profile on the top.
Its a humble request.The other all are heros, but he is the great great leader and founder of pakista, for God sake. |
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so what if QUAID.E.AZAM was a ismaili.
He is the founder of pakistan & he has a great kind on all pakistani.
by the blessing of allah he give us a new life, a plesent world.
ALLAH keep his soul in rest. |
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SALAM TO OUR GREAT QUAID
HE MADE PAKISTAN ITS OUR RESPONSIBILITY TO PROGRESS |
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baba teri azmat ko salam somebody like u is coming name imran khan to lead the country like u we hope 4 the best allah give u blessing and victory and success to imran khan amin |
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quid ka ham sab par or hamari aany wali nasslon par wo ahsaan hy jo ham kabi ada nahi kar sakty aalha in par hazarron pahmet say nawazy ameen |
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Mr Jinnah " The Genius" word is tooooo small for your praise
I salute you the founder of me motherland
Respected Sir, QUAID-E-AZAM MUHAMAD ALI JINNAH
I love you may your soul rest in peace Amin. |
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Ae Quaid-e-Azam Tera Ehsaan hai Ehsaan..!! |
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Its a good thing the Quaid passed away at his due time, he would cry to death if he would be alive to see our country as it is today.
probably the first and only true Pakistani that ever was. All of us are just hypocrites, what they say in Urdu farishta to koi bhee nahee hota, per humare yahan to andhon me kana raja bhee nahee hey |
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Mr Murti have you seen what all the people here are talking about, just praying for our Qauid and writing the way we been taught by our elders, but you came around just to say what you have been taught by your elders, this is the difference between you and us and this was the difference between your elders and ours, i hope you ll get to know how to respect, |
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Whatever you say in the respect of Mohammad Ali Jinah is not enough, i wpuld like to pray to Allah swt please give hime the best part in jannat in the nearset people to MOHAMMAD (peace be upon him) and in the return of all his great works please forgive his sins if he had some and give us one more leader like him, Ameen sum Ameen |
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1) Great Leader;
2) Great Lawyer;
3) Trustworthy man |
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QUAID E AZAM apki azmat ko salam ..apke jany k bad humy os jaisa PAKISTAN na mil saka..bas abi aik leader mila hai INSHALAAH wo aap jaisa PAKISTAN banay ga... IMRAN KHAN & QUAID E AZAM zindabad ... |
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I think he was the only sincere politician of Pakistan. |
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May Allah (SWT) bless his soul and reward him the best of Janat-ul-Firdaus. 64 years age is not a young age for any Nation, especially for the Nation which was based on an ideology and country gained after lots of sacrifices. In an ideal scenario this Nation should have established, progressed and recognized herself at phenomenal pace. That would have been an answer to the critics, enemies and for those who are speechless that why it is the only country formed to dwell for a particular religion believer. Allah (SWT) selected Muhammad Ali Jinnah and he stood tall for the task. He did more than any other political leader has even done. Unfortunately he could not continue longer as his time was up. I do not agree that after him no one ever emerged on the arena to turn us into a respectable Nation but it is quite possible that due to so many reasons we have not identified OR given a fair chance to some one who could make this country “Quaid’s Or Iqbal’s “country. The words can’t justify and carry enough weight as much we should be thankful to Quai-e-Azam, My Salam and whole Nation’s Salam to the father of the Nation. We can make his Soule much pleased to put this country on right track. My request to all my countrymen is to bring a small wave of change without any blood shed with your constitutional power of vote prior to the inventible lethal wave which has very high price of destruction which is under observation in many Muslim countries right now. Please do different to create much needed different results because all previously used leaders has disappointed all of us and must have hearted a lot to the soul of Baba-e-Qaum. |
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Subah Subah jo Khirki Kholay
Quaid e Azam cheekh kar bolay
Aik darjan may bara kailay
Kam paray tou mera lay lay
Teray Farmaan par hum kahan kahan nahi dauray
Tu Karachi soya para hua hay ma kay loray
Quaid nay farmaya
tu chal may aya
Gandhi ji ki jai |
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A man of letters, honour, dignity, and a very hard nut to crack for congress.
may his soul rest in peace amin. |
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AE QUAID-E-AZAM PAKISTAN AAP KI AZMAT KO SALAM. |
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plz come again pakistan need u I love u and thanks full to u.... |
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ALLAH PAK Aap Ko Jannat Main Aala Maqaam Ata Farmaey. Aameen. |
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Ae QUAID-e-AZAM Teri Azmat Ko Salaam. |
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Ahh QAID Teri Azmat Koo Salam. |
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quide e azam muhammad ali jinah aik bhut azeem leader thye un ke bhad pakistan mein sub chor aur dako hi aye hain.abhi pakistan ko aik aur quid jaise leader ki zaroorat hai jo is mulik ko aghye le kar jaye |
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i would like to say 'HE WAS THE BEST' |
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"Gandhi died by the hands of an assassin; Jinnah died by his devotion to Pakistan".
such a leader he was, salute . |
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please put his profile on top |
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ae babay quam tere azmat ko salam k aap ne hamara ye watan hasil kia.ALLAH TAALAH aap ko karwat karwat jannat naseeb krey AAMEEN........ |
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Few individuals significantly alter the course of history. Fewer still modify the map of the world. Hardly anyone can be credited with creating a nation-state. Muhammad Ali Jinnah did all three.
prof.Stanley Wolpert |
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Please put the quaid!s profile on the top. |
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its a good profile and also need to built more the only big problem with it is that this profile is v noble so put it noble way not mixed with others like Monis Ilhai may b i am wrong bt make it significant |
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BABA TERAY WATAN KA ABB HAL BOHAT BURA HA
TERAY BAAD KOI TUJ SA AIK NA AAYA
AA JATA JO AAK BI TO BARI BAAT THI
YEH SITAAN PAK YUAN NAPAK NA HOTA |
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What a shame that all those politicians and anchors got more view than Quid........ |
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He is father of our nation |
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