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Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah

Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah
Governor-General of Pakistan
Born: 25 December 1876
Profession: Lawyer,Governor-General of Pakistan
Affiliation(s): All India Muslim League (1913–1947)
Citizenship: Pakistani
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Profile Profile
Pakistan, one of the largest Muslim states in the world, is a living and exemplary monument of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. With his untiring efforts, indomitable will, and dauntless courage, he united the Indian Muslims under the banner of the Muslim League and carved out a homeland for them, despite stiff opposition from the Hindu Congress and the British Government.

Father of the Nation Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah's achievement as the founder of Pakistan, dominates everything else he did in his long and crowded public life spanning some 42 years. Yet, by any standard, his was an eventful life, his personality multidimensional and his achievements in other fields were many, if not equally great. Indeed, several were the roles he had played with distinction: at one time or another, he was one of the greatest legal luminaries India had produced during the first half of the century, an `ambassador of Hindu-Muslim unity, a great constitutionalist, a distinguished parliamentarian, a top-notch politician, an indefatigable freedom-fighter, a dynamic Muslim leader, a political strategist and, above all one of the great nation-builders of modern times.

What, however, makes him so remarkable is the fact that while similar other leaders assumed the leadership of traditionally well-defined nations and espoused their cause, or led them to freedom, he created a nation out of an inchoate and down-trodeen minority and established a cultural and national home for it. And all that within a decase. For over three decades before the successful culmination in 1947, of the Muslim struggle for freedom in the South-Asian subcontinent, Jinnah had provided political leadership to the Indian Muslims: initially as one of the leaders, but later, since 1947, as the only prominent leader- the Quaid-i-Azam.

For over thirty years, he had guided their affairs; he had given expression, coherence and direction to their ligitimate aspirations and cherished dreams; he had formulated these into concerete demands; and, above all, he had striven all the while to get them conceded by both the ruling British and the numerous Hindus the dominant segment of India's population. And for over thirty years he had fought, relentlessly and inexorably, for the inherent rights of the Muslims for an honourable existence in the subcontinent. Indeed, his life story constitutes, as it were, the story of the rebirth of the Muslims of the subcontinent and their spectacular rise to nationhood, phoenixlike.

Early life
Jinnah was born Mahomedali Jinnahbhai in, some believe, Wazir Mansion, Karachi District, of lower Sindh. However, this is disputed as old textbooks mention Jhirk as his place of birth. Sindh had earlier been conquered by the British and was subsequently grouped with other conquered territories for administrative reasons to form the Bombay Presidency of British India. Although his earliest school records state that he was born on October 20, 1875, Sarojini Naidu, the author of Jinnah’s first biography, gives the date as ”December 25, 1876”. The latter date is now officially accepted as his birthday.

Jinnah was the eldest of seven children born to Mithibai and Jinnahbhai Poonja. His father, Jinnahbhai (1857–1901), was a prosperous Gujarati merchant who had moved to Sindh from Kathiawar, Gujarat before Jinnah’s birth. His grandfather was Poonja Gokuldas Meghji, a Hindu Bhatia from Paneli village in Gondal state in Kathiawar. Jinnah’s ancestors were Hindu Rajput that converted to Islam. Jinnah’s family belonged to the Ismaili Khoja branch of Shi’a Islam, though Jinnah later converted to Twelver Shi’a Islam.

The first born Jinnah was soon joined by six siblings, brothers Ahmad Ali, Bunde Ali, and Rahmat Ali, and sisters Maryam, Fatima and Shireen. Their mother tongue was Gujarati, however, in time they also came to speak Kutchi, Sindhi and English. The proper Muslim names of Mr. Jinnah and his siblings, unlike those of his father and grandfather, are the consequence of the family’s immigration to the Muslim state of Sindh.

Jinnah was a restless student, he studied at several schools: at the Sindh-Madrasa-tul-Islam in Karachi; briefly at the Gokal Das Tej Primary School in Bombay; and finally at the Christian Missionary Society High School in Karachi, where, at age sixteen, he passed the matriculation examination of the University of Bombay.

In 1892, Jinnah was offered an apprenticeship at the London office of Graham’s Shipping and Trading Company, a business that had extensive dealings with Jinnahbhai Poonja’s firm in Karachi. However, before he left for England, at his mother’s urging he married his distant cousin, Emibai Jinnah, who was two years his junior. The marriage was not to last long as Emibai died a few months later. During his sojourn in England, his mother too would pass away. In London, Jinnah soon left the apprenticeship to study law instead, by joining Lincoln’s Inn. The welcome board of the Lincoln’s Inn had the names of the world’s all time top ten magistrates. This list was led by the name of Muhammad, which was the sole reason of Jinnah’s joining of Lincoln’s Inn. In three years, at age 19, he became the youngest South Asian to be called to the bar in England.

During his student years in England, Jinnah came under the spell of nineteenth-century British liberalism, much like many other future Indian independence leaders. This education included exposure to the idea of the democratic nation and progressive politics. He admired William Gladstone and John Morley, British Liberal statesmen. An admirer of the Indian political leaders Dadabhai Naoroji and Sir Pherozeshah Mehta, he worked, with other Indian students, on the former’s successful campaign for to become the first Indian to hold a seat in the British Parliament. By now, Jinnah had developed largely constitutionalist views on Indian self-government, and he condemned both the arrogance of British officials in India and the discrimination practised by them against Indians. This idea of a nation legitimized by democratic principles and cultural commonalities, however, was antithetical to the genuine diversity that had generally characterized the subcontinent. As an important Indian intellectual and political authority, Jinnah would find his commitment to the Western ideal of the nation-state, developed during his English education, and the obstacle that was the reality of heterogeneous Indian society to be difficult to reconcile during his later political career.

The Western world not only inspired Jinnah in his political life. England had greatly influenced his personal preferences, particularly when it came to dress. Jinnah donned Western style clothing and he pursued the fashion with fervor. It is said he owned over 200 hand-tailored suits which he wore with heavily starched shirts with detachable collars. It is also alleged that he never wore the same silk tie twice.

During the final period of his stay in England, Jinnah came under considerable pressure to return home when his father’s business was ruined. Settling in Bombay, he became a successful lawyer—gaining particular fame for his skilled handling of the “Caucus Case”. Jinnah built a house in Malabar Hill, later known as Jinnah House. His reputation as a skilled lawyer prompted Indian leader Bal Gangadhar Tilak to hire him as defence counsel for his sedition trial in 1905. Jinnah argued that it was not sedition for an Indian to demand freedom and self-government in his own country, but Tilak received a rigorous term of imprisonment test.

When he returned to India his faith in liberalism and evolutionary politics was confirmed through his close association with three Indian National Congress stalwarts G. K Gokhale, Pherozeshah Mehta and Surendranath Banerjea. These people had an important influence in his early life in England and they would influence his later involvement in Indian politics.

Political Career
Three years later, in January 1910, Jinnah was elected to the newly-constituted Imperial Legislative Council. All through his parliamentary career, which spanned some four decades, he was probably the most powerful voice in the cause of Indian freedom and Indian rights. Jinnah, who was also the first Indian to pilot a private member's Bill through the Council, soon became a leader of a group inside the legislature.

Mr. Montagu (1879-1924), Secretary of State for India, at the close of the First World War, considered Jinnah "perfect mannered, impressive-looking, armed to the teeth with dialecties..."Jinnah, he felt, "is a very clever man, and it is, of course, an outrage that such a man should have no chance of running the affairs of his own country."

For about three decades since his entry into politics in 1906, Jinnah passionately believed in and assiduously worked for Hindu-Muslim unity. Gokhale, the foremost Hindu leader before Gandhi, had once said of him, "He has the true stuff in him and that freedom from all sectarian prejudice which will make him the best ambassador of Hindu-Muslim Unity: And, to be sure, he did become the architect of Hindu-Muslim Unity: he was responsible for the Congress-League Pact of 1916, known popularly as Lucknow Pact- the only pact ever signed between the two political organisations, the Congress and the All-India Muslim League, representing, as they did, the two major communities in the subcontinent."

The Congress-League scheme embodied in this pact was to become the basis for the Montagu-Chemlsford Reforms, also known as the Act of 1919. In retrospect, the Lucknow Pact represented a milestone in the evolution of Indian politics. For one thing, it conceded Muslims the right to separate electorate, reservation of seats in the legislatures and weightage in representation both at the Centre and the minority provinces. Thus, their retention was ensured in the next phase of reforms.

For another, it represented a tacit recognition of the All-India Muslim League as the representative organisation of the Muslims, thus strengthening the trend towards Muslim individuality in Indian politics. And to Jinnah goes the credit for all this. Thus, by 1917, Jinnah came to be recognised among both Hindus and Muslims as one of India's most outstanding political leaders. Not only was he prominent in the Congress and the Imperial Legislative Council, he was also the President of the All-India Muslim and that of lthe Bombay Branch of the Home Rule League. More important, because of his key-role in the Congress-League entente at Lucknow, he was hailed as the ambassador, as well as the embodiment, of Hindu-Muslim unity.

Constitutional Struggle
In subsequent years, however, he felt dismayed at the injection of violence into politics. Since Jinnah stood for "ordered progress", moderation, gradualism and constitutionalism, he felt that political terrorism was not the pathway to national liberation but, the dark alley to disaster and destruction. Hence, the constitutionalist Jinnah could not possibly, countenance Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi's novel methods of Satyagrah (civil disobedience) and the triple boycott of government-aided schools and colleges, courts and councils and British textiles. Earlier, in October 1920, when Gandhi, having been elected President of the Home Rule League, sought to change its constitution as well as its nomenclature, Jinnah had resigned from the Home Rule League, saying: "Your extreme programme has for the moment struck the imagination mostly of the inexperienced youth and the ignorant and the illiterate. All this means disorganisation and choas". Jinnah did not believe that ends justified the means.

Quaid-e-Azam Constitutional StruggleIn the ever-growing frustration among the masses caused by colonial rule, there was ample cause for extremism. But, Gandhi's doctrine of non-cooperation, Jinnah felt, even as Rabindranath Tagore (1861-1941) did also feel, was at best one of negation and despair: it might lead to the building up of resentment, but nothing constructive. Hence, he opposed tooth and nail the tactics adopted by Gandhi to exploit the Khilafat and wrongful tactics in the Punjab in the early twenties. On the eve of its adoption of the Gandhian programme, Jinnah warned the Nagpur Congress Session (1920): "you are making a declaration (of Swaraj within a year) and committing the Indian National Congress to a programme, which you will not be able to carry out". He felt that there was no short-cut to independence and that Gandhi's extra-constitutional methods could only lead to political terrorism, lawlessness and chaos, without bringing India nearer to the threshold of freedom.

The future course of events was not only to confirm Jinnah's worst fears, but also to prove him right. Although Jinnah left the Congress soon thereafter, he continued his efforts towards bringing about a Hindu-Muslim entente, which he rightly considered "the most vital condition of Swaraj".

However, because of the deep distrust between the two communities as evidenced by the country-wide communal riots, and because the Hindus failed to meet the genuine demands of the Muslims, his efforts came to naught. One such effort was the formulation of the Delhi Muslim Proposals in March, 1927. In order to bridge Hindu-Muslim differences on the constitutional plan, these proposals even waived the Muslim right to separate electorate, the most basic Muslim demand since 1906, which though recognised by the congress in the Lucknow Pact, had again become a source of friction between the two communities. surprisingly though, the Nehru Report (1928), which represented the Congress-sponsored proposals for the future constitution of India, negated the minimum Muslim demands embodied in the Delhi Muslim Proposals.

In vain did Jinnah argue at the National convention (1928): "What we want is that Hindus and Mussalmans should march together until our object is achieved...These two communities have got to be reconciled and united and made to feel that their interests are common". The Convention's blank refusal to accept Muslim demands represented the most devastating setback to Jinnah's life-long efforts to bring about Hindu-Muslim unity, it meant "the last straw" for the Muslims, and "the parting of the ways" for him, as he confessed to a Parsee friend at that time.

Jinnah's disillusionment at the course of politics in the subcontinent prompted him to migrate and settle down in London in the early thirties. He was, however, to return to India in 1934, at the pleadings of his co-religionists, and assume their leadership. But, the Muslims presented a sad spectacle at that time. They were a mass of disgruntled and demoralised men and women, politically disorganised and destitute of a clear-cut political programme.

Leader of the Muslim League
Prominent Muslim leaders like the The Aga Khan, Choudhary Rahmat Ali and Sir Muhammad Iqbal made efforts to convince Jinnah to return from London (Where he had moved to in 1931 and planned on permanently relocating in order to practice in the Privy Council Bar.) to India and take charge of a now-reunited Muslim League. In 1934 Jinnah returned and began to re-organise the party, being closely assisted by Liaquat Ali Khan, who would act as his right-hand man. In the 1937 elections to the Central Legislative Assembly, the League emerged as a competent party, capturing a significant number of seats under the Muslim electorate, but lost in the Muslim-majority Punjab, Sindh and the Northwest Frontier Province. Jinnah offered an alliance with the Congress – both bodies would face the British together, but the Congress had to share power, accept separate electorates and the League as the representative of India’s Muslims. The latter two terms were unacceptable to the Congress, which had its own national Muslim leaders and membership and adhered to secularism. Even as Jinnah held talks with Congress president Rajendra Prasad, Congress leaders suspected that Jinnah would use his position as a lever for exaggerated demands and obstruct government, and demanded that the League merge with the Congress. The talks failed, and while Jinnah declared the resignation of all Congressmen from provincial and central offices in 1938 as a “Day of Deliverance” from Hindu domination, some historians assert that he remained hopeful for an agreement.

In a speech to the League in 1930, Sir Muhammad Iqbal mooted an independent state for Muslims in “northwest India.” Choudhary Rahmat Ali published a pamphlet in 1933 advocating a state called “Pakistan”. Following the failure to work with the Congress, Jinnah, who had embraced separate electorates and the exclusive right of the League to represent Muslims, was converted to the idea that Muslims needed a separate state to protect their rights. Jinnah came to believe that Muslims and Hindus were distinct nations, with unbridgeable differences—a view later known as the Two Nation Theory. Jinnah declared that a united India would lead to the marginalization of Muslims, and eventually civil war between Hindus and Muslims. This change of view may have occurred through his correspondence with Iqbal, who was close to Jinnah. In the session in Lahore in 1940, the Pakistan resolution was adopted as the main goal of the party. The resolution was rejected outright by the Congress, and criticised by many Muslim leaders like Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, Khan Abdul Ghaffar Khan, Syed Ab’ul Ala Maududi and the Jamaat-e-Islami. On July 26, 1943, Jinnah was stabbed and wounded by a member of the extremist Khaksars in an attempted assassination.

Muhammad Ali Jinnah founded Dawn in 1941, a major newspaper that helped him propagate the League’s point of views. During the mission of British minister Stafford Cripps, Jinnah demanded parity between the number of Congress and League ministers, the League’s exclusive right to appoint Muslims and a right for Muslim-majority provinces to secede, leading to the breakdown of talks. Jinnah supported the British effort in World War II, and opposed the Quit India movement. During this period, the League formed provincial governments and entered the central government. The League’s influence increased in the Punjab after the death of Unionist leader Sikander Hyat Khan in 1942. Gandhi held talks fourteen times with Jinnah in Bombay in 1944, about a united front—while talks failed, Gandhi’s overtures to Jinnah increased the latter’s standing with Muslims

The New Awakening
As a result of Jinnah's ceaseless efforts, the Muslims awakened from what Professor Baker calls (their) "unreflective silence" (in which they had so complacently basked for long decades), and to "the spiritual essence of nationality" that had existed among them for a pretty long time. Roused by the impact of successive Congress hammerings, the Muslims, as Ambedkar (principal author of independent India's Constitution) says, "searched their social consciousness in a desperate attempt to find coherent and meaningful articulation to their cherished yearnings. To their great relief, they discovered that their sentiments of nationality had flamed into nationalism". In addition, not only had they developed" the will to live as a "nation", had also endowed them with a territory which they could occupy and make a State as well as a cultural home for the newly discovered nation.

These two pre-requisites, as laid down by Renan, provided the Muslims with the intellectual justification for claiming a distinct nationalism (apart from Indian or Hindu nationalism) for themselves. So that when, after their long pause, the Muslims gave expression to their innermost yearnings, these turned out to be in favor of a separate Muslim nationhood and of a separate Muslim state.

Demand for Pakistan - "We are a nation"

"We are a nation"
, they claimed in the ever eloquent words of the Quaid-i-Azam.

    "We are a nation with our own distinctive culture and civilization, language and literature, art and architecture, names and nomenclature, sense of values and proportion, legal laws and moral code, customs and calendar, history and tradition, aptitudes and ambitions; in short, we have our own distinctive outlook on life and of life. By all canons of international law, we are a nation".

The formulation of the Muslim demand for Pakistan in 1940 had a tremendous impact on the nature and course of Indian politics. On the one hand, it shattered for ever the Hindu dreams of a pseudo-Indian, in fact, Hindu empire on British exit from India: on the other, it heralded an era of Islamic renaissance and creativity in which the Indian Muslims were to be active participants. The Hindu reaction was quick, bitter, malicious.

Equally hostile were the British to the Muslim demand, their hostility having stemmed from their belief that the unity of India was their main achievement and their foremost contribution. The irony was that both the Hindus and the British had not anticipated the astonishingly tremendous response that the Pakistan demand had elicited from the Muslim masses. Above all, they failed to realize how a hundred million people had suddenly become supremely conscious of their distinct nationhood and their high destiny.

In channelling the course of Muslim politics towards Pakistan, no less than in directing it towards its consummation in the establishment of Pakistan in 1947, non played a more decisive role than did Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah. It was his powerful advocacy of the case of Pakistan and his remarkable strategy in the delicate negotiations, that followed the formulation of the Pakistan demand, particularly in the post-war period, that made Pakistan inevitable.

Founding Pakistan
In the 1946 elections for the Constituent Assembly of India, the Congress won most of the elected seats, while the League won a large majority of Muslim electorate seats. The 1946 British Cabinet Mission to India released a plan on May 16, calling for a united Indian state comprising considerably autonomous provinces, and called for “groups” of provinces formed on the basis of religion. A second plan released on June 16, called for the separation of South Asia along religious lines, with princely states to choose between accession to the dominion of their choice or independence. The Congress, fearing India’s fragmentation, criticised the May 16 proposal and rejected the June 16 plan. Jinnah gave the League’s assent to both plans, knowing that power would go only to the party that had supported a plan. After much debate and against Gandhi’s advice that both plans were divisive, the Congress accepted the May 16 plan while condemning the grouping principle. Jinnah decried this acceptance as “dishonesty”, accused the British negotiators of “treachery”, and withdrew the League’s approval of both plans. The League boycotted the assembly, leaving the Congress in charge of the government but denying it legitimacy in the eyes of many Muslims.

Jinnah gave a precise definition of the term ‘Pakistan’ in 1941 at Lahore in which he stated:


    Some confusion prevails in the minds of some individuals in regard to the use of the work ‘Pakistan’. This word has become synonymous with the Lahore resolution owing to the fact that it is a convenient and compendious method of describing [it]…. For this reason the British and Indian newspapers generally have adopted the word ‘Pakistan’ to describe the Moslem demand as embodied in the Lahore resolution.

Jinnah issued a call for all Muslims to launch “Direct Action” on August 16 to “achieve Pakistan”. Strikes and protests were planned, but violence broke out all over South Asia, especially in Calcutta and the district of Noakhali in Bengal, and more than 7,000 people were killed in Bihar. Although viceroy Lord Wavell asserted that there was “no satisfactory evidence to that effect”, League politicians were blamed by the Congress and the media for orchestrating the violence. Interim Government portfolios were announced on October 25, 1946. Muslim Leaguers were sworn in on October 26, 1946. The League entered the interim government, but Jinnah refrained from accepting office for himself. This was credited as a major victory for Jinnah, as the League entered government having rejected both plans, and was allowed to appoint an equal number of ministers despite being the minority party. The coalition was unable to work, resulting in a rising feeling within the Congress that independence of Pakistan was the only way of avoiding political chaos and possible civil war. The Congress agreed to the division of Punjab and Bengal along religious lines in late 1946. The new viceroy Lord Mountbatten of Burma and Indian civil servant V. P. Menon proposed a plan that would create a Muslim dominion in West Punjab, East Bengal, Baluchistan and Sindh. After heated and emotional debate, the Congress approved the plan. The North-West Frontier Province voted to join Pakistan in a referendum in July 1947. Jinnah asserted in a speech in Lahore on October 30, 1947 that the League had accepted independence of Pakistan because “the consequences of any other alternative would have been too disastrous to imagine.”

The independent state of Pakistan, created on August 14, 1947, represented the outcome of a campaign on the part of the Indian Muslim community for a Muslim homeland which had been triggered by the British decision to consider transferring power to the people of India.

Leader of a Free Nation
In recognition of his singular contribution, Quaid-i-Azam Mohammad Ali Jinnah was nominated by the Muslim League as the Governor-General of Pakistan, while the Congress appointed Mountbatten as India's first Governor-General. Pakistan, it has been truly said, was born in virtual chaos.

Indeed, few nations in the world have started on their career with less resources and in more treacherous circumstances. The new nation did not inherit a central government, a capital, an administrative core, or an organized defense force. Its social and administrative resources were poor; there was little equipment and still less statistics. The Punjab holocaust had left vast areas in a shambles with communications disrupted. This, along with the en masse migration of the Hindu and Sikh business and managerial classes, left the economy almost shattered.

The treasury was empty, India having denied Pakistan the major share of its cash balances. On top of all this, the still unorganized nation was called upon to feed some eight million refugees who had fled the insecurities and barbarities of the north Indian plains that long, hot summer. If all this was symptomatic of Pakistan's administrative and economic weakness, the Indian annexation, through military action in November 1947, of Junagadh (which had originally acceded to Pakistan) and the Kashmir war over the State's accession (October 1947-December 1948) exposed her military weakness. In the circumstances, therefore, it was nothing short of a miracle that Pakistan survived at all. That it survived and forged ahead was mainly due to one man-Mohammad Ali Jinnah. The nation desperately needed in the person of a charismatic leader at that critical juncture in the nation's history, and he fulfilled that need profoundly. After all, he was more than a mere Governor-General: he was the Quaid-i-Azam who had brought the State into being.

In the ultimate analysis, his very presence at the helm of affairs was responsible for enabling the newly born nation to overcome the terrible crisis on the morrow of its cataclysmic birth. He mustered up the immense prestige and the unquestioning loyalty he commanded among the people to energize them, to raise their morale, land directed the profound feelings of patriotism that the freedom had generated, along constructive channels. Though tired and in poor health, Jinnah yet carried the heaviest part of the burden in that first crucial year. He laid down the policies of the new state, called attention to the immediate problems confronting the nation and told the members of the Constituent Assembly, the civil servants and the Armed Forces what to do and what the nation expected of them.

He saw to it that law and order was maintained at all costs, despite the provocation that the large-scale riots in north India had provided. He moved from Karachi to Lahore for a while and supervised the immediate refugee problem in the Punjab. In a time of fierce excitement, he remained sober, cool and steady. He advised his excited audience in Lahore to concentrate on helping the refugees, to avoid retaliation, exercise restraint and protect the minorities. He assured the minorities of a fair deal, assuaged their inured sentiments, and gave them hope and comfort. He toured the various provinces, attended to their particular problems and instilled in the people a sense of belonging.

He reversed the British policy in the North-West Frontier and ordered the withdrawal of the troops from the tribal territory of Waziristan, thereby making the Pathans feel themselves an integral part of Pakistan's body-politics. He created a new Ministry of States and Frontier Regions, and assumed responsibility for ushering in a new era in Balochistan. He settled the controversial question of the states of Karachi, secured the accession of States, especially of Kalat which seemed problematical and carried on negotiations with Lord Mountbatten for the settlement of the Kashmir Issue.

Illness and death
Through the 1940s, Jinnah suffered from tuberculosis; only his sister and a few others close to him were aware of his condition. In 1948, Jinnah’s health began to falter, hindered further by the heavy workload that had fallen upon him following Pakistan’s independence from British Rule. Attempting to recuperate, he spent many months at his official retreat in Ziarat, but died on September 11, 1948 (just over a year after independence) from a combination of tuberculosis and lung cancer. His funeral was followed by the construction of a massive mausoleum—Mazar-e-Quaid—in Karachi to honour him; official and military ceremonies are hosted there on special occasions.

Funeral prayers were led by Allamah Shabbir Ahmad Usmani a renowned mainstream Muslim (Sunni) scholar and attended by masses from all over Pakistan, although this funeral was well on record and supported by pictures as well, yet the Shia minority sources claim in their books that “at Jinnah’s request. Jinnah did have a private Namaz-e-Janaza at Kharadar which was attended by close relatives and people from the Shia community.

Dina Wadia remained in India after independence, before ultimately settling in New York City. Jinnah’s grandson, Nusli Wadia, is a prominent industrialist residing in Mumbai. In the 1963–1964 elections, Jinnah’s sister Fatima Jinnah, known as Madar-e-Millat (”Mother of the Nation”), became the presidential candidate of a coalition of political parties that opposed the rule of President Ayub Khan, but lost the election.

The Jinnah House in Malabar Hill, Bombay, is in the possession of the Government of India but the issue of its ownership has been disputed by the Government of Pakistan. Jinnah had personally requested Indian Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru to preserve the house and that one day he could return to Mumbai. There are proposals for the house be offered to the Government of Pakistan to establish a consulate in the city, as a goodwill gesture, but Dina Wadia has also laid claim to the property.

The Quaid's Last Message
It was, therefore, with a sense of supreme satisfaction at the fulfillment of his mission that Jinnah told the nation in his last message on 14 August, 1948:

    "The foundations of your State have been laid and it is now for you to build and build as quickly and as well as you can". In accomplishing the task he had taken upon himself on the morrow of Pakistan's birth, Jinnah had worked himself to death, but he had, to quote richard Symons, "contributed more than any other man to Pakistan's survivial".

He died on 11 September, 1948. How true was Lord Pethick Lawrence, the former Secretary of State for India, when he said, "Gandhi died by the hands of an assassin; Jinnah died by his devotion to Pakistan".

A man such as Jinnah, who had fought for the inherent rights of his people all through his life and who had taken up the somewhat unconventional and the largely misinterpreted cause of Pakistan, was bound to generate violent opposition and excite implacable hostility and was likely to be largely misunderstood. But what is most remarkable about Jinnah is that he was the recipient of some of the greatest tributes paid to any one in modern times, some of them even from those who held a diametrically opposed viewpoint.
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Submited By: Muhammad Arshad
14 October 2014

History is proving itself that he was and till today is greatest of all leaders of the subcontinent. He was not only a top class professional lawyer without a match at least in Pakistan, a true democrat believing in well being of the people rather than self, Creator of a State against all odds on three fronts (Colonials, Hindu and Muslim Religious sections)and Creator of a Nation with tremendous talent that can accelerate this state to unseen stature IF We can get another like him again.
Submited By: ahmad hassan
14 September 2014
ALLAH PAK Aap Ko Jannat Main Aala Maqaam Ata Farmaey. Aameen.
QUAID-E-AZAM ZINDABAD
Submited By: Bilal Arshad
23 June 2014

May Allah blessed him....Oh wat a committed leader he was .....Alas we don't anyone who could sincerely think that every government department employee (except few) working for own pocket sake, bribery is openly claimed and take as right. Bloodshed will be done to remove such corrupt government servants and to their bosses in order to endup this shameful process.
For God sake remove corrupt employess of Courts, Ploice, Health departments, Hospitals, Sui gas, WAPDA, PTCL and all other where out taxes are being wasted to keep this Nation on world map.
Submited By: ahsan
28 May 2014
My leader, My Hero, My Quaid...Ay Quaid-e-Azam you are our Honour our Pride our Role-model our great ancestor...Aa Rab Ul Izzat please grant him highest place in Paradise AlFirdous and shower his soul with utmost tranquility and peace for he was the one who bestowed freedom to millions of subcontinent Muslims.May Allah bless you Sir!

Salam ay Quaid.
Submited By: Chris
05 May 2014
Dear Sir: See what they did to your country....
Submited By: sami rahman
28 April 2014
ALLAH ap ko jannat naseeb kare
Ay Qaid e Azam tera Ehsan hai Ehsan
Submited By: Abdus Salam
25 April 2014
He is the man having immaculate personality, strong determination, strictly law abiding and a role model for the everyone... Salute to Mr. Jinnah
Submited By: Saleem Soomar
20 June 2013
Hmarey Watan Pakistan Ky Bani Qaid e Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah Kutchi Zuban Boltey They
Un Ka Taluk Kutchi Family Sy Thaa
Submited By: Zubair
07 April 2013
Aey Quaid e Azam tera ehsan rahey ga is ummat per qiamat tak:)

Love for Jinnah
Submited By: Muhammad Ali Shafiq
21 October 2012
I PRAY THIS COUNTRY STANDS TILL THE JUDGEMENT DAY
SO WE CAN SAY THAT WE HAVE ATLEAST SAVED YOUR GIFT
WHICH YOU HAVE GIVEN TO US
Submited By: Muhammad Ali Shafiq
21 October 2012
THE REAL KING
Submited By: Muhammad Ali Shafiq
21 October 2012
he was the real man
man of his words
uncorruptable
his words are the unbreakable rocks
i have not enough words to explain his dignity his work for this country
what i can say is that we should have to make our country prosper this is the only way to pay some tribute to his greatness {A REAL SUPER HERO}
Submited By: Muhammad Kumail
13 October 2012
If Quaid-e-azam was alive so pakistan was in 1 position
Submited By: Sarmad Khan
03 October 2012
sab mil kay quid-e-azam muhammad ali jinnnah kay liy soray fatya per do plz

I think he would be very disappointed if he saw the state of Pakistan now.

the one and only greatest leader of india ... the great Muhammad Ali JINnah ....
Submited By: Adeel Atta
02 October 2012
iam thankful to honour of this website that .He/she had gave the knowledge about the life of quaid-e-azam
In last i would like to say

(**pakistan Zindabad**)
Submited By: Ajmal baig
12 June 2012
Please put the bani -e-pakistan profile on the top.
Its a humble request.The other all are heros, but he is the great great leader and founder of pakista, for God sake.
Submited By: Ajmal baig
12 June 2012
Please put the bani -e-pakistan profile on the top.
Its a humble request.The other all are heros, but he is the great great leader and founder of pakista, for God sake.
Submited By: HALEEM GUL
15 May 2012
so what if QUAID.E.AZAM was a ismaili.

He is the founder of pakistan & he has a great kind on all pakistani.
by the blessing of allah he give us a new life, a plesent world.

ALLAH keep his soul in rest.
Submited By: malik80pk
19 March 2012
SALAM TO OUR GREAT QUAID
HE MADE PAKISTAN ITS OUR RESPONSIBILITY TO PROGRESS
Submited By: khan
13 February 2012
baba teri azmat ko salam somebody like u is coming name imran khan to lead the country like u we hope 4 the best allah give u blessing and victory and success to imran khan amin
Submited By: shahzad
10 February 2012
quid ka ham sab par or hamari aany wali nasslon par wo ahsaan hy jo ham kabi ada nahi kar sakty aalha in par hazarron pahmet say nawazy ameen
Submited By: Sarmad Khan
01 February 2012
Mr Jinnah " The Genius" word is tooooo small for your praise
I salute you the founder of me motherland
Respected Sir, QUAID-E-AZAM MUHAMAD ALI JINNAH
I love you may your soul rest in peace Amin.
Submited By: Ataul Mustafa
02 December 2011
Ae Quaid-e-Azam Tera Ehsaan hai Ehsaan..!!
Submited By: R T
10 November 2011
Its a good thing the Quaid passed away at his due time, he would cry to death if he would be alive to see our country as it is today.

probably the first and only true Pakistani that ever was. All of us are just hypocrites, what they say in Urdu farishta to koi bhee nahee hota, per humare yahan to andhon me kana raja bhee nahee hey
Submited By: Zahid Bhatti
22 October 2011
Mr Murti have you seen what all the people here are talking about, just praying for our Qauid and writing the way we been taught by our elders, but you came around just to say what you have been taught by your elders, this is the difference between you and us and this was the difference between your elders and ours, i hope you ll get to know how to respect,
Submited By: Zahid Bhatti
22 October 2011
Whatever you say in the respect of Mohammad Ali Jinah is not enough, i wpuld like to pray to Allah swt please give hime the best part in jannat in the nearset people to MOHAMMAD (peace be upon him) and in the return of all his great works please forgive his sins if he had some and give us one more leader like him, Ameen sum Ameen
Submited By: Taufiq Mahmood Sadiq
21 October 2011
1) Great Leader;
2) Great Lawyer;
3) Trustworthy man
Submited By: farukh
08 October 2011
QUAID E AZAM apki azmat ko salam ..apke jany k bad humy os jaisa PAKISTAN na mil saka..bas abi aik leader mila hai INSHALAAH wo aap jaisa PAKISTAN banay ga... IMRAN KHAN & QUAID E AZAM zindabad ...
Submited By: Arshad Jamal Butt
03 October 2011
I think he was the only sincere politician of Pakistan.
Submited By: Fareed
15 September 2011
May Allah (SWT) bless his soul and reward him the best of Janat-ul-Firdaus. 64 years age is not a young age for any Nation, especially for the Nation which was based on an ideology and country gained after lots of sacrifices. In an ideal scenario this Nation should have established, progressed and recognized herself at phenomenal pace. That would have been an answer to the critics, enemies and for those who are speechless that why it is the only country formed to dwell for a particular religion believer. Allah (SWT) selected Muhammad Ali Jinnah and he stood tall for the task. He did more than any other political leader has even done. Unfortunately he could not continue longer as his time was up. I do not agree that after him no one ever emerged on the arena to turn us into a respectable Nation but it is quite possible that due to so many reasons we have not identified OR given a fair chance to some one who could make this country “Quaid’s Or Iqbal’s “country. The words can’t justify and carry enough weight as much we should be thankful to Quai-e-Azam, My Salam and whole Nation’s Salam to the father of the Nation. We can make his Soule much pleased to put this country on right track. My request to all my countrymen is to bring a small wave of change without any blood shed with your constitutional power of vote prior to the inventible lethal wave which has very high price of destruction which is under observation in many Muslim countries right now. Please do different to create much needed different results because all previously used leaders has disappointed all of us and must have hearted a lot to the soul of Baba-e-Qaum.
Submited By: Murti
14 September 2011
Subah Subah jo Khirki Kholay
Quaid e Azam cheekh kar bolay
Aik darjan may bara kailay
Kam paray tou mera lay lay

Teray Farmaan par hum kahan kahan nahi dauray
Tu Karachi soya para hua hay ma kay loray

Quaid nay farmaya
tu chal may aya

Gandhi ji ki jai
Submited By: NURasif khan
14 September 2011
A man of letters, honour, dignity, and a very hard nut to crack for congress.
may his soul rest in peace amin.
Submited By: Haider
10 September 2011
AE QUAID-E-AZAM PAKISTAN AAP KI AZMAT KO SALAM.
Submited By: Arslan
31 August 2011
plz come again pakistan need u I love u and thanks full to u....
Submited By: amir
27 August 2011
we love our quaid e azam
Submited By: amir
27 August 2011
we love our quaid e azam
Submited By: MUHAMMAD AHSAN
27 August 2011
ALLAH PAK Aap Ko Jannat Main Aala Maqaam Ata Farmaey. Aameen.
Submited By: WASEEM AHMAD
27 August 2011
Ae QUAID-e-AZAM Teri Azmat Ko Salaam.
Submited By: حیدر
26 August 2011
قاید تیری عظمت کو سلام
Submited By: shazad
23 August 2011
Ahh QAID Teri Azmat Koo Salam.
Submited By: usman javed cheema
13 August 2011
love you. QUAIQ-E-AZAM
Submited By: tahir
12 August 2011
quide e azam muhammad ali jinah aik bhut azeem leader thye un ke bhad pakistan mein sub chor aur dako hi aye hain.abhi pakistan ko aik aur quid jaise leader ki zaroorat hai jo is mulik ko aghye le kar jaye
Submited By: C.B.A WARRAICH
08 August 2011
i would like to say 'HE WAS THE BEST'
Submited By: abid
08 August 2011
great leader
Submited By: muhammad sohaib iqbal
03 August 2011
"Gandhi died by the hands of an assassin; Jinnah died by his devotion to Pakistan".

such a leader he was, salute .
Submited By: Nadeem
27 July 2011
please put his profile on top
Submited By: Muhammad Khalid ur Rehman
26 July 2011
ae babay quam tere azmat ko salam k aap ne hamara ye watan hasil kia.ALLAH TAALAH aap ko karwat karwat jannat naseeb krey AAMEEN........
Submited By: UMAR KASHMIRI
19 July 2011
Few individuals significantly alter the course of history. Fewer still modify the map of the world. Hardly anyone can be credited with creating a nation-state. Muhammad Ali Jinnah did all three.

prof.Stanley Wolpert
Submited By: bashir
18 July 2011
Please put the quaid!s profile on the top.
Submited By: Ali Raza
18 July 2011
its a good profile and also need to built more the only big problem with it is that this profile is v noble so put it noble way not mixed with others like Monis Ilhai may b i am wrong bt make it significant
Submited By: IMRANAHMAD FROM MANCHESTER UK
17 July 2011
BABA TERAY WATAN KA ABB HAL BOHAT BURA HA
TERAY BAAD KOI TUJ SA AIK NA AAYA
AA JATA JO AAK BI TO BARI BAAT THI
YEH SITAAN PAK YUAN NAPAK NA HOTA
Submited By: Saad
17 July 2011
What a shame that all those politicians and anchors got more view than Quid........
Submited By: Kamran
29 June 2011
He is father of our nation
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